See Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, ‘Epígono de la Hispanidad. Most seriously, he alleged that the process of identifying leprosy patients within the population and transferring them to Mikomeseng had been carried out in a brutal fashion, with individuals dying from hunger and mistreatment on the journey, or abandoned to die by the roadside when they could not walk any further.70. In April, a local Spanish practicante (a male medical assistant) working in Mikomeseng wrote to the Governor General warning of the risks of further outbreaks of violence.68 In his formal declaration to investigators, he reported that patients in Mikomeseng were being subjected to a systematic campaign of hunger, forced labour and assault, designed in part to prevent them from revealing the truth about conditions there.69 The ‘uprising’, he argued, had been nothing more than a reasonable protest against these conditions. F. M. Camacho, ‘Historia del CILAD. Epub 2017 Nov 3. Mikomeseng contained a church and a missionary-run school, both of which featured heavily in publicity and propaganda materials showing leprosy sufferers attending mass and reading the bible.40 The children’s care home was run by Conceptionist missionaries, underlining the religious symbolism of the settlement’s mission to ‘save’ children from infection and the importance attached to raising faithful Catholic citizens. Memoria del Servicio Sanitario Colonial, 1944’, (15)18 81/08176, AGA. The result, according to the colonial health service, would be ‘more rigorous isolation’ of leprosy sufferers, ‘immeasurably improved’ health outcomes, and ‘profound effects on the health work of the country’.32, The focus on security and control in Mikomeseng reflected the wider treatment of the African population in Spanish Guinea, where civic and personal freedoms—from property rights to the ability to purchase alcohol—were tightly regulated. 2016 Dec;23Suppl 1(Suppl 1):131-148. doi: 10.1590/S0104-59702016000500008. Scientific technologies of national identity as colonial legacies: extracting the Spanish nation from equatorial Guinea. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. 2019 Feb;32(1):218-219. doi: 10.1093/shm/hky030. Efforts to control the lives of Africans and to mould them into pliant Catholics citizens of the Spanish ‘New State’ bore parallels to the treatment of former Republicans and working-class communities in Spain, often themselves depicted as racially-inferior outsiders. Medina Domenech, ‘Scientific Technologies’; Vizcaya, ‘La economía política’. But it also increasingly included a comparative international dimension, one which emphasised Spain’s superiority to other European imperial powers while also suggesting that it was Spain’s imperial status which justified its standing within the international community. One lay missionary working in the Spanish leprosy colony of Trillo praised the patients there for their spirit of ‘happiness and resignation’, and claimed they were sacrificing their limbs for their love of God.43 The head of the Spanish Church’s Missionary Society, meanwhile, described institutions such as leprosy colonies and orphanages as ideal sites to ‘create the environment, the climate of conversion in the pagan countries’.44 Long-term access to patients, particularly children, in an institution where free movement was strictly limited, provided a perfect opportunity for Spanish missionaries to spread the faith, and for Francoist colonial authorities to promote the spiritual dimensions of their ‘civilising mission’. i dati relativi al numero di citazioni sono recuperati in tempo reale dai servizi offerti da Scival di Elsevier, Pubmed-central e da WOS. Security was the first priority of the colonial government in Spanish Guinea, which maintained extensive military and paramilitary security forces, administered a complex and authoritarian justice system, and sought to govern the everyday lives of its subjects through the use of internal passports, work permits and restrictive sanitary policies.27 Spanish health officials thus approached leprosy first and foremost as a problem of isolation, monitoring and control. In his report on the initial protests and his response to the later investigation, Martínez Domínguez denied all the allegations made against him, claiming that patients received sufficient food and basic supplies, and that he had heard no reports of physical punishment or mistreatment.71 The protests against him, he argued, were the unfortunate consequence of the fact that on his visits to the centre he was required to reassert the necessary but humane regime of ‘work and discipline’, which in his absence often lapsed into periods of ‘leisure’.72 The ‘simplistic logic’ of the indigenous mind had thus led patients to associate him with imposition of work and discipline when they could not grasp the importance of it. Director de Sanidad to Gobernador General de Guinea, 1 January 1943; ‘Un estudio de la Isla de Corisco’, June 1943, (15)18 81/08109, AGA. These authoritarian sanitary regulations were a central tool in Spanish efforts to exercise control over the territory and over the native population, subjecting local residents to mandatory and intrusive examinations under threat of severe punishments.80 The official regulations governing Mikomeseng, which were published at the same time as the new leprosy policies, underlined the dictatorial powers of the health administration there.81 All disciplinary measures, the regulations stated, lay solely in the hands of the Director, in this case Martínez Domínguez, who could impose any punishments and sanctions he thought fit. For the Spanish judge and colonial administrator Rafael Galbe Pueyo, Mikomeseng demonstrated ‘the unprecedented generosity of a colonizing nation’, working quietly and modestly to secure the healthy and prosperous future of its colonial subjects.3. The new film used two techniques in particular to promote Mikomeseng’s humanitarian and scientific credentials. Although, as intended, this reduced the rate of infection, 43 of these children died as a result of malnutrition and other diseases exacerbated by the fact that they were not breastfed, a mortality rate of over 69 per cent.84 As a result, the policy had to be modified to allow babies to stay with their mothers for the first twelve months, increasing infection rates but drastically cutting infant mortality. Alicia Campos Serrano, ‘El régimen colonial franquista en el Golfo de Guinea’, Revista Jurídica Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2000, 3, 79–108.


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